From the Archives: Through the Eyes of the Copts

This article appeared in November 2013, four months after the Egyptian military ousted the Muslim Brotherhood-backed President Muhammad Morsi.
On July 18, 2013, just two weeks after former Egyptian President Mohammad Morsi was ousted, Interim President Adly Mansour gave his first address to the nation. In his speech, Mansour explicitly stated his commitment to establishing security, stability, and basic human rights in this transition period, as Egypt again attempted to create a democratic state.
However, almost four months since the ouster, Egypt remains in a state of unrest. Following the military’s dispersal of Morsi supporters from a sit-in protest in Cairo’s Rabaa Square on August 14, Muslim Brotherhood extremists and other Islamists began a series of violent attacks across the country, frequently targeting Coptic Christian establishments. One attack in particular symbolized the long history of Coptic persecution; in Dalga, Brotherhood extremists destroyed the Virgin Mary Church, which was built in the fifth century and had held masses for 1,600 years prior to this attack.
Since St. Mark founded the Coptic Church of Alexandria in 50 A.D., believers have suffered persecution, first under the pagan Roman Empire, and later under Arab Muslim invaders—from the mid-seventh century through the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. When modern-day Egypt gained its independence in 1952, Copts remained second-class citizens, politically and economically. Now, they are systematically excluded from elections, they are discriminated against when applying for jobs in both the public and private sector, and culturally, they are viewed as inferior to Muslims.
 Trouble on the Road to Freedom
Under Morsi, violence against Copts increased significantly, and it has continued to rise as a result of the Islamist backlash against the clearing of Rabaa Square. In Minya, mobs incited by Brotherhood extremists attacked, burned, and looted fifteen churches, twenty homes, several schools, an orphanage, and numerous businesses—all Coptic. Similar destruction to Coptic establishments has occurred in Assuit, Al-Fayoum, Al-Giza, Suez, Suhaj, Luxor, and Beni Sueif. And while the interim government has tried to minimize violence by enforcing a curfew and arresting leaders of the Brotherhood suspected of incitement, it has proven very difficult to prevent mob attacks in rural areas. Amidst this chaos and violence, one thing is clear: Copts have the most to gain from a liberal, pluralist Egypt, governed by the rule of law, and the most to lose from anarchy or Islamist theocracy.
The interim government has outlined a roadmap for this transition period, with finishing and ratifying the constitution as its top priority. If this new constitution truly protects the political, religious, and economic rights of Copts, it is far more likely to foster long-lasting democracy and stability in Egypt.
The Constitutional Committee’s Catch-22
Copts need proper representation during the drafting of the constitution to guarantee their rights, and thus far, the interim government has been very inclusive. In assembling his cabinet, Mansour appointed Copts to 20 percent of ministerial positions, and several Copts also reside on the Constitutional Committee. However, it is now the duty of these representatives to effectively communicate the needs of the Coptic community.
In an interview with the HPR, President of the U.S. Association of Copts Michael Meunier affirmed, “The church representatives on the Constitutional Committee have quite a bit of leverage in light of recent violence against Copts, but at times the church is not strong enough.”
Beshoy Tamry, founding member of the Coptic political organization, Maspero Youth Union, agreed. “Committee member Bishop Anba Bola is not forcefully demanding religious freedom for minorities,” he claimed to the HPR. (Bishop Bola has publically said that Al-Azhar, Egypt’s supreme authority on Islamic Law, should have power to interpret the constitution and that Copts should respect Al-Azhar’s interpretations.) “Copts do not want Al-Azhar to have powers of interpretation, as Islamic Law discriminates against non-Muslims.”
David Horowitz Freedom Center fellow Raymond Ibrahaim suggested, “It seems the interim government is trying to return to the Mubarak constitution, which recognized Islamic jurisprudence, but with a less prominent role in the legal system than there was under Morsi. However, there won’t be 100 percent equality if Article II remains in the Constitution.” Despite these issues, the Constitutional Committee is making efforts to hear Coptic concerns. During the week of September 23, the committee held town hall style meetings specifically for the Copts as a religious community and for political parties that have strong Coptic support.
One major issue for the Copts is a constitutional ban on religious political parties. Father Antony stated, “To protect religious freedom, there can’t be any religion in the constitution.” However, Egyptian Salafis, an Islamist group politically organized as the Al-Nour party, represent a significant obstacle to this goal. According to Meunier, “Copts are worried Al-Nour will have undue influence over the drafting process because they threaten to withdraw when secular proposals are made. The interim government wants to prevent the Salafis from joining the Brotherhood’s violent attempts to undermine national stability, as they are even more hardcore Islamist than the Brotherhood.” This situation reveals a devastating irony; the government is trying to prevent more attacks by keeping the Salafis in the writing of the constitution, but if the Salafis gain control of the drafting process, Egypt’s constitution will not, in theory or practice, protect the rights of non-Muslims, and violence against Copts will persist.
We Want Bread, Too
High unemployment and low economic growth sparked the Revolution of January 2011. These were, and are, problems facing all Egyptians, but poor job markets hit Copts particularly hard because they already face employment discrimination. Tamry noted, “Discriminating against Copts is an unwritten social custom. Right now, there are no laws that forbid either the government or private businesses from doing this.” Banning discrimination based on religion is imperative for Copts to find jobs, but this is a long-term solution that will only be effective once stability is restored. Islamist attacks have caused the interim government to enforce an 11:00 p.m. curfew across the country. Meuneir explained, “Many businesses stay open late because, culturally, many Egyptians shop at night. When the country shuts down at 11:00 p.m., businesses have to shut down even earlier so people can get home on time, limiting trading hours.” The curfew hurts Copts a great deal, as many own or work in small, family-owned businesses within their communities.
Discrimination against Copts is not merely social custom, it is also institutionalized in the government. Permit laws make it nearly impossible for Copts to build new churches or restore ones that have been burned. During this transition period, the military has promised to rebuild destroyed churches. However, Tamry explains, “Not all of the churches will be fixed. Many churches are attached to schools or are in private residences. The army does not consider these churches. Houses and businesses of Copts will not be rebuilt at all.” The interim government has not proposed any further aid to Copts, leaving them virtually unsupported as they try to reestablish their communities.
De Facto Anarchy
Morsi’s administration dissolved several interior ministry departments, leading to massive cuts in security forces. As a result, police in small towns and rural areas have been outmanned and overpowered by Muslim extremists. Meunier recounted, “I have witnessed police stations surrender to Brotherhood mobs. It is almost a war zone in much of the country. But while the Copts want better protection from the interim government, we understand it will take time to build up the police force again.”
However, Tamry believes the interim government could do more to prevent violence, explaining, “In Minya, the interior ministry suspected attacks would happen, but it did nothing to prevent the violence or help during the attacks. Copts were phoning [the Maspero Youth Union] for help, but in villages with no security, when Islamists burn houses, there is nothing we can do.” This sense of helplessness pervades throughout the Coptic community, most notably in rural Upper Egypt, where the military failed to free the village of Dalga from Islamist control until September 16, several weeks after extremists took control in the aftermath of the Rabaa Square sit-in. Ibrahaim noted, “The response to attacks against Copts depends on whether or not local security leaders are Islamist.” This significant variability in the responsiveness of security forces underscores the military’s lack of centralized authority due to local autonomy. However, Ibrahaim acknowledged, “The military doesn’t want anti-Coptic social climate with churches burning because they want Egyptians and the world to believe they are in control.”
Additionally, Father Antony asserted that the interim government needs not only to arrest, but also to convict those who incite violence. Meuneir agreed, adding that outlawing the Brotherhood will also help reestablish law and order. On September 23, just days after Meuneir made this comment, the Cairo Court for Urgent Matters officially banned the Brotherhood. For Copts, the ban is positive on paper; their rights are more likely to be respected when those involved in the political process are not hostile to their basic human and civil rights. But while the military does not have reliable control across Egypt, the ruling will likely result in more attacks against Copts.
“To Live Without Hope is to Cease to Live”
Despite the violence and a precarious constitutional process, many Copts hope the interim government can help bring true democracy to Egypt.
Optimistic, Tamry believes, “The general outlook for the Copts is better now than under Morsi. There are good politicians in the interim government, who have the ability to reform the structure of the state to provide protection and equality for minorities.” Meuneir, too, is optimistic, but expressed some reservations, “We have a great opportunity to create a better Egypt. I don’t know if we can realize true equality right away, but I hope we can generate economic prosperity, and eventually full fledged democracy.”
Image credit: www.cbc.ca