Books & Arts — November 8, 2011 12:00 pm

The Image of Guantanamo

By

A young teenager sits in a cell with hands clasped and head down. His face suddenly brightens when three visitors enter and say that they are from his home country of Canada. They chat, give the teenager a Subway sandwich, and copiously use his first name, Omar. However, despite Omar’s enthusiasm in welcoming his potential saviors from the limbo that is Guantanamo Bay Prison, he is exhaustion personified. His eye, damaged from months of torture at the infamous Bagram prison, shuts in a lopsided slant. His English is slow and deep, and every word seeps out as if he carries a festering wound. His 19 year-old body slumps in his chair, as if it has seen twice its years.

 You Don’t Like the Truth: 4 Days Inside Guantanamo tells the story of Omar Khadr. The movie consists of clips from seven hours of declassified Guantanamo interrogation footage, interspersed with interviews from Khadr’s cellmates, lawyers, and Bagram torturer. A then-15-year-old Khadr was alleged to have killed combat medic S.F.C. Christopher Speer during an attack on an al Qaeda compound, a claim that the film dissects and largely disproves. Nevertheless, American interrogators tortured a bullet-ridden Khadr for three months, before shipping him to Guantanamo Bay Prison, a hell the film portrays not only as a Kafkaesque nightmare, but also as a symbol of American isolationism and hegemony. Yet the film’s message reaches broader than its nominal subject. While You Don’t Like the Truth wrenchingly describes the suffering of Khadr, the film cannot succeed in reconciling the fact that Americans simply do not care enough about the truth of America’s international “justice” system.

The basis of the film remains director Luc Cote’s compelling cinematography. The surveillance footage of Khadr’s interrogation could have stood alone, but the interspersed interviews incisively explain what is going through Khadr’s mind as the interrogators proceed with their games. The screen often comprises three to four boxes showing Khadr from different angles, the eeriest one from a camera hidden in the in-wall air conditioner. Through the dusty slats, the camera shows the anguish and despair on Khadr’s face; over the raucous hum of the machine, the listener can hear Khadr crying ““Ya Ummi,” Arabic for “mother”. After the Canadian interrogators repeatedly say he is lying, Khadr becomes desperate, begging them for support, imploring, “Promise me you’ll protect me from the Americans.” The interrogators leave in order for Khadr to regain composure, but their departure only sends the teenager into tears. When Khadr quietly says, “you don’t like the truth,” the fact stands as blaringly evident as Khadr’s orange jumpsuit.

The arc of the film ends with Khadr’s lawyers explaining that there was a good chance that Khadr did not even murder S.F.C. Speer. The film flashes a series of photos to make the case that Khadr was covered in rubble after Speer was supposed to have been killed. This legal argument, however, is still less compelling as one of the last lines of simple white text on a black screen: “Omar Khadr is the first child soldier to be tried for war crimes since Nuremberg.” Upon reflection on that parting note, it seems absurd to think that a boy who might or might not have thrown a grenade, after having his world reduced to rubble, could ever be compared to a Nazi who sent thousands of civilians to death in a concentration camps.

If Khadar’s case seems outrageous, it seems even more shocking that the imprisonment of countless people with neither charge nor trial has so quietly settled at the bottom of the media trench. On Google Trends, the phrase “Guantanamo Bay” spiked only as a response to Obama’s promise to close the prison, a pledge that PolitiFact has now definitively declared “broken.” In part, it may be because of the physical remoteness of the location. It may also be that Americans will never need to worry about themselves or their children being imprisoned. Anticipating this, the film tries to bridge the cultural divide by focusing their lens on Khadr, a Canadian, and Moazzem Begg, a British national, sharing their stories from behind bars and from freedom, respectively. However, with such limited release, You Don’t Like the Truth cannot hope to enter into the political dialogue, as its crafted whisper is lost amongst the shrieks on the right for “freedom” from taxes, or on the left for “freedom” from corporations. It’s easy to forget that freedom for Omar Khadr means to not be tortured.

Yet Guantanamo lives on. The facility still contains approximately 180 detainees, and American authorities have offered provisions to continue operations there indefinitely. Even if a detainee is found to be innocent of charges through the military commission system returning to one’s home country can prove to be impossible. Instead of systematically trying each detainee in a timely fashion, Guantanamo’s overseers seem to prefer to hold hundreds of prisoners for years, innocence or guilt be damned. Khadr, who recently came to trial, is now finishing an 8-year sentence at the prison. He will have entered a boy and be released in his 30s, most likely not even to his home country. Most important, Guantanamo is the secret prison that everyone knows about. There could be hundreds of Omar Khadrs in any number of the truly secret prisons hidden around the world.

On its own, You Don’t Like the Truth stands as a powerful documentary in a time where Guantanamo has been relegated to a broken Obama campaign promise. After a prolonged legal battle, centered on the naïve assumption that the American public would accept expatriation of its detainees to America, the prison continues in a legal—and moral—limbo.   Yet the main theme of the film is not necessarily a policy recommendation, nor even a commentary on the political figures who created and maintained the prison’s existence. Rather, it is the story of what happens when a country abandons its citizens, as did the Canadian interrogators. It is the story of people, the American military, who essentially tortured a child. At the end of the You Don’t Like the Truth, its viewer is left with the sense that justice was not served for Khadr, even though a trial took place, that truth could only be exposed after bureaucracy let out its final gasp, and, even so, that working through the American people’s miasmic apathy is still a cause worth fighting for.

Christine Hurd ’13 is a Contributing Writer

Related posts:

Understanding Art and Border Smudging
The Real Calculus of Online IP
A New Path Forward for Same-Sex Marriage
The Way We Eat Now
  • Diane

    Thank you for your article. I would like to add that Omar’s father, an Egyptian immigrant to Canada, became obsessed with Afghan humanitarian causes when the Russians invaded. That’s why he brought his young family, shortly after Omar’s birth in Toronto, to live mainly in Afghanistan/Pakistan, returning to Canada only for visits, health care, etc.
    Omar had only one year of school in Canada, grade one. He had seven years of schooling in Afghanistan/Pakistan and at home.

    Omar’s father became an admirer of Osama Bin Laden, but also had dealings with the heads of other warring factions. He was suspected of using his charity work as a way of providing funds to Al Qaeda. He was never convicted of terrorism and Omar had no involvement in those activities. The father was eventually killed in a Pakistani raid on a village, after Omar had been taken to Gtmo.

    When the US invaded, Omar’s father became a coordinator in the insurgency. Up to then Omar had been kept home by his mother, to help with younger children, protected from the Al Qaeda camps into which his older brothers were enrolled, as children, and from the Taliban recruiters and the fighting. She even dressed him in a burka to disguise him as a girl, which upset him. When he was 15 he tired of life among women and children and wanted to go away to school, or do what his father, older brother and other men were doing.

    Omar’s father was pressured by friends to involve him in the war. He and Omar’s mother compromised. He was sent on a mission with the head of a Lybian faction to act as translator and guide, with instructions to keep him away from the fighting. That was the summer of 2002. The Taliban was mostly defeated and Karsai was just being named interim leader of the planned new government.

    Two months later, Omar and other men, likely Lybians, were confronted by American troops and a battle followed. Omar fought. Even if he did throw the grenade that unfortunately fatally wounded Sgt. Speer, this was not a war crime under Geneva. But, the US decided that anybody who fought them in Afghanistan was an unlawful combatant, and guilty of “war crimes”, and supporting terrorism. Omar seemed to be a test case for their new laws. Nobody else seems to have been charged similarly, in the deaths or woundings of thousands of US and allied soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan.

    Omar was interrogated, under the system of the early Bush period, for two years, the time of the “torture memos” and the system they spawned. He had no access to a lawyer and was incarcerated among adults, illegally. He told the interrogators everything they wanted to know, including that he threw the grenade. We don’t know if that was true. One interrogator said he used death and rape threats. Another, who wasn’t assigned to interrogate Omar, but befriended him, described the horrors of Bagram in which he had participated and deeply regrets. He, Damien Corsetti, says he judged Khadr to be a kid, caught up in something because of his parents, who never had a chance to make his own decisions. That soldier made more sense than anybody since.

    It seems that eventually the US government didn’t think this case would stand up to appeal in the regular courts and they tried for years to get Omar to plead guilty and accept a deal. Finally he did, his only way to have a hope of getting out of Gtmo. After the trial they moved him into solitary confinement where he has been for a year.

    Now he is eligible to be returned to Canada to serve the rest of a seven year sentence, or perhaps to be given parole, under supervision and surveillance, which would be the best solution. This is a shameful case, for both the US and Canada which did not pressure the US as it should have. Omar was caught in a system declared illegal by the US Supreme Court and in a process declared illegal by the Canadian Supreme Court.

    According to the head of the UN child soldier program, Omar was a classic case, and his treatment by US and Canada, who both recognize the child soldier law, has undermined it.

    Omar’s oldest brother helped his father and is now accused by the US of participating in the insurgency but the Canadian courts have refused to extradite him because he was tortured. Omar’s other older brother always hated the camps and the life in Afghanistan. When he was turned over to the US for a bounty he informed on his family and says the CIA used him as a spy, sending him to Gtmo where he briefly saw Omar. They eventually let him go and he has described the horrible experience. He lives with his mother in Toronto, and the youngest brother who was with his father in the raid and was paralysed at age 14. Omar’s older sister went on a hunger strike to protest Omar’s imprisonment, but offended people by her statements in defence of her father and his radical views. She is a deeply religious Muslim, and, perhaps strangely, or not, has married a very religious Evangelical Christian man.

    Last we heard Omar was still receiving school lessons sent by a Canadian teacher, delivered by his US military lawyer, in a bare room in Gtmo where he is brought in shackles. The military officer described their Shakespeare lesson, with him playing Romeo to Omar’s Juliet.

    It’s now 9 years since Omar was brought to Bagram, at age 15, around the time two detainees were systematically beaten to death as determined by a US government investigation. See Wikipedia for the story of Dilawar, which is also told in the film, Taxi to the Dark Side.

    People could write to the US and Canadian governments asking them to now expedite Omar’s return to Canada where he may finally have a chance at a new life, subject, of course, to proper security measures, since nobody knows what the Gtmo experience has done to him, although no objective person ever suggested he would be dangerous if released. He was always classed as a “compliant detainee. He surely needs some rehabilitation, however, which he should have had years ago, under the child soldier law.

    Some References:

    Michele Sheppard’s book, “Guantanamo’s Child”; US Defence Department web site – Omar Khadr; Wikipedia – Omar Khadr and other Khadr family members; “A Court Without Jurisdiction: A Critical Assessment of the Military Commission Charges Against Omar Khadr”; US Senate Armed Services Committee report on detainee treatment; Tim Golden’s NYT article about the death of Dilawar at Bagram, 2005; film, “Taxi to the Dark Side”; US Supreme Court decisions related to Gtmo detainees; Canadian Supreme Court decisions related to Omar Khadr; “New Manual for Military Commistions”; article by David Frakt; “Beware the Levin Amendment…..” – Interview with Omar’s first prosecutor, Morris Davis.

  • Diane

    Further to the above – I think the best description of the battle is in the report of a soldier known as OC-1 who was on the scene. It can be found on the Inernet. The final plea bargain documents can also be found, Statement of Facts (the “confession”). Part of the deal is that Omar can’t appeal, couldn’t contradict his “confession” at trial and cannot sue the American government for abuse and illegal treatment. The Canadian Supreme Court declared his treatment illegal, and Canada complicit. This will surely form the basis of a law suit against Canada at some time. They based their decision, in part, on the American Supreme Court’s decision that the system was illegal, and the fact that Canada, having been denied consular access, sent its interrogators who did about 3 out of numerous illegal interrogations done by the US and shared the results with them. The US refused Canada’s requests not to use that information at trial. The Court said that they did these interrogations under illegal conditions at Gtmo, and that’s why Canada is complicit. The film is based on videos of those interrogations, obtained by Omar’s lawyers as a result of another Canadian Supreme Court decision.

custom writing